ORLANDO, Florida, August 31, 2016 – I love the people in New Hampshire. They are engaged and excited about politics and bring a great energy to the primary season. That is why I am so enraged by what I experienced there at the hands of my party.
First, I had the opportunity to meet briefly with then-DNC Chair Debbie Wasserman Schultz just before she welcomed the audience to another Democratic Town Hall from which I had been excluded. To provide an additional perspective, my team and I had been reaching out to the Congresswoman for months by mail, email and phone call. She had never provided us with the courtesy of a response.
When we met in New Hampshire, I asked if she would consider introducing me to the various Democratic State Chairs so that I might receive equitable treatment to the more politically privileged candidates. This could have been done by a generic letter of introduction or a simple short telephone call from a member of her staff.
She advised me that this was impossible because she needed to remain neutral until after the Democratic National Convention. I clarified that I was not asking for an endorsement; I was only asking for an introduction. I was also not asking for special treatment; I was asking for equal treatment. However, she reiterated that she could not show any favoritism and had to remain neutral.
She proceeded to leave our conversation to go on stage to announce the participants in that evening’s Town Hall Debate. Her opening remarks were essentially to say, “It is my pleasure to introduce the last two remaining Democratic candidates for President of the United States.” For Rep. Wasserman Schultz, that is as close as she can bring herself to remaining neutral. She effectively eliminated all but one of the candidates who stood in the way of her favored candidate, Hillary Clinton, whose 2008 presidential campaign Rep. Wasserman Schultz chaired.
This led the now famous video on which I called for the resignation of the DNC Chair. While I apologize for the directness of my language in that video, my call for her resignation was ultimately affirmed by the majority of the party just before the Democratic Nation Convention began on July 25th.
What transpired next is the real reason I am running again as an independent presidential candidate and the nominee of the Reform Party and the American Delta Party.
On election night in New Hampshire, my campaign team and I were watching the election results as they were broadcast. After a short period of time, I surged past former Gov. O’Malley, who had dropped out of the race, and comfortably settled into third place. Had I remained there, it would have been news: an outsider finishing a surprising third in the first primary election. I might have been able to leverage that to gain momentum and even force inclusion in the critically important national polls.
Then, a surprising thing happened. When the reporting was refreshed from 40.3 percent of the precincts to 52.3 percent of the precincts, my vote total had gone down by 93.7 percent, which is impossible in a legitimate election. You cannot lose votes as more precincts report. In fact, my vote totals went down in what should have been my strongest precincts and they stayed down the remainder of the evening.
No one on my team could believe what they had witnessed. We tried to rationalize that it was a human error of some kind. Then, we learned that the parties have constructed a recount process that essentially precludes recounts. We were denied access to the data that would have been necessary to validate what had occurred.
This is not to impugn the integrity of the election officials, who were only doing their jobs. They apply the rules the parties have put in place to maintain their control over our political system. I licked my wounds, chalked it off as an anomaly, and moved on to the next series of states.
The Nevada Caucus was a repeat of the mistreatment I had experienced in Iowa. A pattern was beginning to appear. The State Democratic Party of South Carolina had blocked me from gaining access to the ballot there, so the March 1st Super Tuesday would be my next opportunity.
I didn’t have the bandwidth or funding to aggressively campaign in each of the states that would be contested on Super Tuesday, but I did put in a significant effort in the State of Texas. Again, one of my goals is to serve as a role model for minorities, and Texas represented an opportunity to inspire the Hispanic community in particular. I campaigned heavily in Texas and the results showed it, at least initially.
I was running a strong third in Texas as my campaign team and I were watching the results. In Travis County, I had 8,080 with 25.4 percent of the precincts reporting. To provide some perspective, former-Gov. O’Malley, who had millions of dollars of support and had previously been included in the polls and debates, was in fourth place with 156 votes (0.2 percent). Some time passed, and then it happened.
When the results refreshed with 44.8 percent of the precincts reporting, I was in fourth place trailing O’Malley. However, he had only gained 45 votes and was still at 0.2 percent. I had lost 98.7 percent of my votes; 7,972 votes in total. They simply disappeared never to return.
We saw the same thing happen in North Carolina that evening and suspect it repeated itself in almost every primary state that night. While we couldn’t track every precinct every election night, we observed it in Michigan, Arizona and Kentucky in the months and weeks that followed and it became a pattern throughout the remainder of the campaign.
I couldn’t believe what happening in my country and within my party, but the election was being stolen right before our eyes. It was a reoccurring theme in states that used electronic voting devices. I reached out to the Sanders campaign because he was the leading anti-establishment candidate and could have spoken up at the time, but I never received a response.
It wasn’t until Kentucky, when the Sanders campaign suffered the same fate, that the situation received any media attention at all. Then, it got whitewashed by what professed to be a valid recount. However, if you understand the process that was used, you would recognize that the recount was far from valid.
I did not fully appreciate the nature of what was happening until I met Bev Harris, an election fraud expert who was featured in the Emmy Award nominated documentary Hacking Democracy, and some of Bev’s talented associates. It was only then that I came to understand how easy it is to cap and redistribute votes or create what is called fractional voting; for example, where one candidate’s votes count for 1,25 votes while another candidate’s votes count for 0.75 votes.
Subsequent studies, including one conducted at Stanford University, have concluded that the reported results in the 2016 Democratic Primary are statistically impossible. Given my personal experience, I have no doubt that the results are tainted.
There are also disturbing trends with respect to election observation rules, recount methodologies, and the elimination of exit polls (perhaps because of the glaring disparity between their results and the recorded vote counts). There is also evidence that voting registrations were changed, polling logistics were orchestrated to suppress turnout, and early voting by mail produced remarkably different statistics than did the polls on Election Day.
Senator Sanders has a bigger voice than I do, but he hasn’t answered the call to challenge what’s been happening to our system. I may not be as famous the Senator or have access to the same level of media coverage that he does, but I will not turn my back on this fight.
Our democracy is at risk. The right to vote is sacred, and your vote should be counted as it is cast. The evidence is overwhelming that isn’t the case.
I won’t win this presidential election, but I will absolutely make sure that the American people are aware of what is happening to their votes. Please help me push for meaningful election reform because that will make sure that #YourVoteCounts.